
Irish
Home Rule and the Cheshire connection
A by-election that threatened to bring down the British
Government
A General Election is on the horizon and the character assassination
and vitriol has already begun in earnest. But then, British elections
have always been littered with controversy and one of the most acrimonious
encounters occurred in Cheshire, in the 1880s.
It was a by-election and it held electors spellbound, almost brought
down the British government and opened up the Mother of all Feuds
- Ireland.
At the centre of it all was the self-made industrialist John Tomlinson
Brunner who at Northwich, along with Dr. Ludwig Mond, had created
the great chemical works of Brunner Mond, one of the forerunners
of I.C.I.
Successful and bored with business, Brunner turned his attention,
and his considerable wealth, to politics and became the Liberal
candidate for the Northwich constituency. He was a declared Radical,
vowed to disestablish the Church, reform the laws of landed property,
abolish school fees and fight for Irish Home Rule.
And so Britain went to the polls in 1885 with Brunner pitted against
a local salt baron, William Henry Verdin who championed the Conservative
cause.
In those day there was little or no control of the Press and no
niceties of balanced and fair reporting; the newspapers vehemently
argued and expounded their support, or otherwise, for the candidates.
The Northwich Chronicle, a devout Liberal newspaper of its time,
lamented that Verdin chose to fill his speeches with "nothing
but remarks on Mr Brunner's personal character, his trade relations,
his theological convictions, and other matters equally foreign to
the issue before the constituency".
As the level of campaign descended, Verdin accused Brunner of exploiting
slave labour at his chemical works, of being half-foreign (his father
was Swiss) and his partner nothing more, or less, than a German-Jew.
Verdin also complained that his own brother, Robert Verdin, had
stood against Brunner for the Liberal candidature, but voting had
been rigged by the presence of Brunner's henchmen who had filled
the hall.
For his part, Brunner avoided direct personal attacks, although
he managed to put in the political boot by attacking the salt manufacturers,
of whom Verdin was one of the largest, for their wild brine pumping
which was having a catastrophic effect on Northwich.
The Northwich constituency, including the urban town itself, surrounding
villages and parts of Winsford and Runcorn, was therefore immersed
in bitter conflict as Election Day approached, Tuesday December
1, 1885.
What occurred in the precincts of the ancient salt town thrust Northwich
politics into the national headlines ... and not for the last time
either!
As the Manchester Guardian scornfully observed the following morning,
"the disreputable classes of Northwich seemed determined to
keep up their notoriety for rough play during election times".
"Rough play" was something of an understatement for as
the polls closed Northwich descended into a state of mayhem.
Windows at the Conservative offices were smashed, fighting broke
out in Witton Street and Market Street and the police were called
to make a truncheon charge which left several men and two officers
seriously injured. One group of rioters on the town bridge threatened
to throw a brass band into the river, and stones and bricks were
flying in all directions.
"Shortly after 7pm," reported The Times, "the Riot
Act was read", and a telegram was dispatched to the Adjutant
of Cheshire Castle to call out the military. Just how it all started
and who was to blame remained a matter of conjecture, but the Northwich
Chronicle, as the Liberal newspaper, left little doubt - it was
petty tyranny orchestrated by the Conservatives:
"It is to be regretted that the present political contest should
be disgraced by such disturbances," reported the Chronicle.
"At Northwich tradesmen put up their shutters as evening approached,
and when this was done the 'fun' began by an ill-tempered Tory official
ferociously assaulting a member of the opposing party.
"Mr Kay, a county magistrate and prominent Tory, next read
the Riot Act, kindly following it up by preparing to drench the
mob by means of the local fire-engines. The Liberal candidate, however,
appealed to the good sense of the community and Mr Kay's liquid
remedy was not applied. The order for the military from Chester
was also countermanded.
"Mr Kay is a true Tory. The Riot Act, the water hose, and the
military fitly represent the impatience and coercive character of
Tory policy."
Amidst all the chaos counting of the votes continued under heavy
police guard at the Leicester Street Sessions House and shortly
after lam Brunner was declared the victor, with 5,023 votes to Verdin's
3,995.
Verdin preposterously complained that the disturbances had affected
the result and refused to shake Brunner's hand, but as the Chronicle
delighted, "...very few Tories were to be seen after the result
became known"!
With the Christmas recess, Brunner did not take his seat at Westminster
until January, 1886, with the Conservatives still in office and
holding on to a small majority. On January 27, the Government was
defeated on a relatively minor issue and Lord Salisbury tendered
his resignation. Within a week William Gladstone, his intention
to press for Irish Home Rule by this time an open secret, had formed
his third and shortest-lived Liberal ministry.
It lasted only until June when another election was called and Northwich
found itself plunged into a second Brunner-Verdin campaign, only
this time the Verdin interest was to be served by Robert Verdin,
the elder of the two brothers who had failed to win the Liberal
candidature from Brunner in the previous year.
With Irish Home Rule the greatest single issue, Brunner stood with
the backing of the local party as a Gladstonian Liberal ... to him
the only authentic Liberalism. The Irish, he affirmed, were being
denied through social prejudice and the opposition came from the
swells, the men of great rank, of great inheritance who....... are
galled to the quick by the idea that thy shall be governed by men
of the people".
The Liberals were bitterly divided and Gladstone's party opponents
set themselves in opposition as Liberal Unionists, supported in
many key constituencies by the Conservatives. Robert Verdin took
the platform, therefore, as a Liberal Unionist, supported by the
Duke of Westminster who had thrown his enormous influence in Cheshire
behind the cause to oust Gladstone.
This time the Northwich election was less about personalities and
more about policies and on July 13, Verdin wreaked his revenge in
defeating Brunner by 458 votes in a greatly reduced poll.
Brunner was out of Parliament after only seven months and with the
Conservatives enjoying a healthy majority, it could be anything
up to seven years before another election was called.
To console himself Brunner set off on an eight-month tour of the
Dominions and within three weeks of his homecoming he was back electioneering,
Robert Verdin, the Member for Northwich, having died of a heart
attack.
The seat for which they had fought the previous year now stood vacant
and The Times showed its Conservative favour by accusing Brunner
of knowing his opponent's fatal condition, and timing his return
to Cheshire accordingly.
Brunner denied the allegations and prepared again to fight the Liberal
Unionists in a two-way contest against the Duke of Westminster's
son, Lord Henry Grosvenor who claimed to represent the "true
Liberal Party".
The Northwich contest was set for August 1 887 and it turned out
to be one of those mid-term by-elections that, nowadays, seem to
leave governments quaking and opposition parties clamouring for
power.
Brunner again stood on the Gladstone ticket and attacked Lord Grosvenor,
and the Duke, for their social privilege and narrow class interest,
but of far more important political interest was the dominating
issue of Irish Home Rule. Not a single contest since the 1886 General
Election had presented such a clear-cut choice between the opposing
policies of coercion and conciliation, and none apparently were
seen to be more representative of English society as a whole than
the Northwich constituency.
The country looked on with mounting interest - for Gladstone and
Brunner defeat was intolerable; for the Liberal Unionists it would
be a disaster and lead to a breakup of the Empire. Reports of the
Northwich contest appeared daily in the press and politicians flocked
to the constituency in a frantic attempt to influence votes.
Never had a by-election caused such a sensation and, long before
the days of opinion polls, analysts pored over the outcome. It was
going to be a close-run affair they considered, either way!
Polling took place on August 13, a Saturday, but it was not until
the Monday that counting got underway and shortly after noon, John
Brunner was duly returned as the Member for Northwich. He had won
a commanding majority of 1,1 29 votes.
The news spread throughout the country and across to Ireland like
the proverbial wildfire. Within an hour, the result was posted in
the windows of newspaper offices all along Fleet Street and an "enormous
crowd gathered to cheer itself hoarse at the magnificent success
of the Home Rule candidate".
Westminster was buzzing with the news, and in Ireland, "...
all Dublin had been thrown in ecstasy by the Northwich election,"
reported the Manchester Guardian, as the streets of the city rang
with the cry of victory. Even the New York newspapers, mindful of
the city's Irish immigrant population, gave full coverage to the
news from Northwich.
"it is indeed difficult to overstate the sensation which the
election has produced in London," commented the Guardian which
saw the result as a strong condemnation of Lord Salisbury and his
policies "...the effect upon the moral position of the Government
is considered disastrous and it is expected that Lord Salisbury
will inform the Queen that he cannot satisfactorily carry on government
unless reinforced by the Liberal Unionist leaders".
The Yorkshire Post for one saw things differently and castigated
the electors: "The stupid ingratitude of the Northwich people
will not discourage Her Majesty's Ministers from prosecuting to
its proper end their beneficent work".
The contest had not been fought with the acrimony of Brunner's first
victory, in 1885, but there was still bitterness and the Morning
Post complained that some Unionist electors had been deterred by
intimidation from casting their votes. Brunner was furious and denounced
the allegation as "simply a Tory lie".
But perhaps the Scarborough Evening News best summed it all up by
delighting that "...all the Duke's horses and all the Duke's
men have not been able to place Lord Henry Grosvenor at the head
of the poll for the Northwich division".
The repercussions rumbled on as they always do in politics and as
the euphoria of Brunner's election victory gave away to bloodshed
in Ireland, Lord Salisbury survived with his government until 1892
.
Brunner went on to represent Northwich for a further twenty two
years, being made a Baronet in 1 895 and a Privy Counsellor in 1906,
but later refusing a Peerage. He died in 1919, just three years
before the creation of the Irish Free State...leaving Britain with
its bloody Ulster legacy!
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